Mann Loper
The establishment of Estonia’s independent statehood in 1918 took the political and cultural freedom of Estonians to an entirely new level. Under the Russian Empire, imperial policies and the Baltic German ruling elite in the Baltic provinces had restricted both to varying degrees. After the War of Independence (1918–1920), Estonia’s independent statehood was seen as the guarantor of the survival of the Estonian culture and people.
The initial liberal enthusiasm was dampened by the failed Bolshevist uprising in 1924. Afterwards, patriotic values and the education system’s role in their propagation received more attention. Nationalism had always been a component in developing the education system in interwar Estonia. But it became more important after 1924, and even more so after Konstantin Päts's authoritarian coup in 1934.
My research investigates the ideas in national education in Estonia and their impact on the school system. The research questions include 1) what national goals did the education system serve; 2) what national ideals were promoted through the education system; and 3) by which means was national education implemented. Here I focus specifically on history education. History education, closely linked to identity building or nation-building, is central to the idea of national education. National education can be defined as a deliberate action to influence a person’s development with the goal of cultivating a positive attitude towards one’s own nation, language, and culture.
This post traces general trends in the development of education with broader political and social contexts in interwar Estonia. Firstly, I will analyse Estonian history curricula and crucial changes in its development to evaluate the degree of emphasis on national education.[1] Secondly, I examine how the two Congresses on Nationalist Education portrayed the ideas of nationalist education.[2]
Development of the interwar Estonian history curricula
In 1920, Estonia established a free, compulsory six-year primary school system, to be fully implemented by 1930.[3] The Ministry of Education published curricula in 1921 and revised them in 1928.[4] A law on five-year secondary education, introduced in 1922, established a fee-based system[5] that took longer to finalize, with the first full curricula published in 1930.[6] Further school reforms lowered the compulsory school age from 16 to 14 in 1934, and updated and harmonised the curricula in 1937.[7]
Finland served as a role model for the Estonian school system but German historians and reformist educationalists also significantly influenced the methodology of Estonian history education.[8] Despite the education system’s openness to innovative ideas, material restrictions and a lack of trained teachers led to their selected implementation. The problems and challenges of history education were discussed within the curricula development process in consultation with teachers, school inspectors, and ministry officials. A public forum for such discussions were the National Congresses of History Teachers, held in 1923, 1927, 1931 and 1935.
School inspectors’ comments on the history curriculum, RA,ERA.1108.3.652
The first congress in 1923 was seen as a compromise between more nationalistic and more internationally-minded ideas.[9] However, the shock of the attempted communist putsch in 1924 highlighted again the need to instil patriotic values. Therefore, the congress of 1927 presented mostly nationalistic ideas, and the same holds true for the two following congresses.[10] The 1935 congress was influenced by the onset of the authoritarian era, so the speeches of political leaders were given prominence.[11]
The Estonian curricula emphasized national education as central to history teaching, highlighting key themes such as Estonia’s ancient freedom, resistance to the Livonian Crusade (1208–1227), educational development since the Swedish era (1561–1710), and the national awakening (late nineteenth century).[12]
Estonia’s curricula followed similar developments to interwar Latvia. From the period of Tsarist rule to the authoritarian rule in the 1930s, Latvia shared comparable historical trajectories with Estonia. Similarities extended to Latvia’s educational conditions and challenges: history was taught with the same frequency and based on similar national principles. There was a comparable emphasis on bringing Latvians to the fore in the historical arena and to create citizens of the young state through education.[13]
In Estonia, particularly in primary schools, there was a significant shift towards emphasizing national history at the expense of general history. The ministry of education and school inspectors agreed that national topics should take precedence in early education to foster identities at an early age. It was also about effectiveness: there were more pupils in compulsory primary education in comparison with secondary education.
In Latvia, national history education also increased in importance and proportion. However, Latvia’s post-1934 changes were more pronounced than in Estonia, with stronger ideological pressures under the Ulmanis regime.[14] There are several reasons for this difference. For example, Estonia was demographically more homogenous, with about 88% of population being ethnic Estonians. Meanwhile in Latvia, ethnic Latvians were 73-75% of the total population,[15] and the differences between historical-cultural regions in Latvia were more pronounced. With more pressure to create a unified Latvian nation, there was the stronger emphasis on Ulmanis as the “unifier of the nation,” and more pressure on the education system. Another reason would be that in Estonia there was opposition to the Päts regime concentrated in the university town of Tartu, while there was no comparable centre for opposition in Latvia.
In Estonia, the 1937 primary school curricula introduced the most significant changes. They highlighted themes of freedom, resistance, and the active role of Estonians in history. For example, they focused on heroic national figures – including contemporary state leaders – as well as economic and cultural advances since independence.[16]
As evident from the curricula and their development, the concept of national education evolved over time, especially after the 1934 coup, as collective thinking and national solidarity were increasingly emphasized over individualism. The curricula began to stress citizens’ duties to the state more than their rights, mirroring broader authoritarian and nationalist trends.
Congresses on Nationalist Education in 1927 and 1935
The two congresses on national education provided a good example of public debate on national education in interwar Estonia. Both congresses were organized by the Estonian Eugenics and Genealogy Society. Eugenics, a widespread discourse in Europe and elsewhere, shaped discussions at both congresses.[17]
The 1927 congress attracted significant public interest and participation from various interest groups. It was characterized by debates between major political parties, particularly between left- and right-wing factions. The Socialist Party, which had the most seats in the Estonian parliament at that time, reproached the right-wingers for using the label of nationalism and demanded social reforms. The right-wingers, especially the Rahvaerakond (People’s Party), protested left-wing agitation in schools and questioned whether socialists could ever be national-minded public servants.[18]
The 1935 congress focused more on demography and population policy, while political debates were notably absent from the presentations and press reports. This change reflected the broader political shift toward authoritarianism. Many presenters cancelled their presentations in protest at the domestic political situation. Also, fewer participants and interest groups attended. Most schoolteachers – especially those working in rural areas – were unable to attend because the congress coincided with the start of the school term.[19] Given the congress extolled the benefits of rural life, this was a particularly striking – though not necessarily intentional – exclusion. Instead, it showed that the congress’s focus shifted from being a forum for school policies to social policies.
The press criticised the 1935 congress for its limited scope and superficial discussions. The speakers’ reputations were also questioned. During discussions, accusations about declining birth rates and societal decay prompted public scepticism about whether the speakers had the moral authority to make such claims.[20]
The congresses looked to Finland as a model for education, where the interwar educational system was nationalistic,[21]and to France as a model for social-political policies.[22] The second congress also considered aspects of the social policies of fascist Italy and Nazi Germany.[23] Proposals such as a childlessness tax and marriage loans were discussed but never implemented in Estonia.
In 1927, the family was seen as the primary institution for nationalist upbringing. The congress agreed upon a number of resolutions, but these had little impact on Estonia’s policies. The resolutions supported the growing focus on patriotic ideals in school curricula.[24] By 1935, schools were increasingly recognized as vital institutions for nationalist upbringing. While nationalism in schools was previously seen as self-evident, the 1930s saw it became more emphasised, particularly after the 1934 coup.[25]
Programme for the first congress on national education, RA, ERA.4855.1.3. P 1
Taking a practical approach, the 1935 congress discussed themes like social policy and public health promotion. With government endorsement, this led to the formation of a commission of ministers; a six-year plan to promote public health; legislation and legal amendments such as those about protecting mothers and children (1936), welfare legislation, and sterilization laws (1937); and a child protection foundation (1938).[26]
Although the title of the congresses would suggest a strong focus on upbringing, educational issues often took a back seat. At the 1935 congress, minority education was discussed, with a call to reform cultural self-administrations, equalize educational standards between Estonian-language and other language schools, and promote loyalty among minority groups through the education system.[27] However, significant changes to cultural self-administrations were not implemented, and educational literature in foreign languages was developed only to a small extent.
Programme for the second congress on national education, RA, ERA.4855.1.3. P 3
Conclusion
Although the interwar Estonian school system can be described as patriotic, nationalist topics and values became increasingly emphasized only in the 1930s. This was influenced both by international and internal developments: The crisis of democracy throughout Europe and the authoritarian turn in Estonia in 1934. Compared to Latvia, where the personality cult of Kārlis Ulmanis was more developed and the ideological pressure on the education system stronger, the changes in Estonia were less prominent. Such comparison reveals crucial differences between the two neighbouring states with remarkably similar historical trajectories.
The topics summarised here do not cover all aspects of the wide scope of national education in Estonian public schools, but help to understand what was seen as national education in inter-war Estonia, as well as how and to what extent history education was used to promote patriotism. Curricula and educational policies set the framework for education and outlined the goals to be achieved. The growing emphasis on national history and certain topics illustrates the use of history education in cultivating a sense of collective identity and national pride that aligned with the post-1918 ambition for nation-building. This also demonstrates how educational content was intertwined with efforts to ensure political stability and to propagate state-endorsed values after the Bolshevist uprising in 1924. After the 1934 authoritarian coup, educational policies mirrored state policies by promoting values such as unity, loyalty to the nation and state, and the active role of Estonians in history. This development reflected a broader trend across Europe during the period, where authoritarian regimes used education to reinforce their ideological goals.
The debates and reforms highlighted in the development of history curricula reveal a society grappling with modernization while emphasizing traditional values. The highlighting on rural life and family as central to national identity, coupled with public discussions about eugenics and demography, points to the interplay between education, social policy, and cultural ideals. In short, Estonia's education system was a microcosm of broader political and societal transformations.
Mann Loper is a history PhD student at the University of Tartu with a background in teaching history and civic studies. The topic of her thesis is "National education in Estonian public school system from 1920 to 1939." The history of history education in Estonia has been at the centre of her research since her MA studies.
[1] Mann Loper‚ “"Kasvatada riigikodanlist meelsust..." Rahvusliku kasvatuse küsimus ajaloo õppekavade arengus 1920-1939,” Rahvusarhiivi Toimetised =Acta et Commentationes Archivi Nationalis Estoniae, no. 5 (2023): 175−217.
[2] Mann Loper, “Eesti Vabariigi rahvusliku kasvatuse kongressid 1927 ja 1935: eeskujud, retseptsioon ja mõju ühiskonnas,” Tuna. Ajalookultuuri ajakiri no. 2, (2022): 41−59.
[3] “Avalikkude algkoolide seadus,” Riigi Teataja, no. 75–76 (22 May 1920): 593–99.
[4] Algkooli õppe- ja tunnikawad (Haridusministeerium, 1921); Algkooli õppekavad (Haridusministeerium, 1928).
[5] “Avalikkude keskkoolide seadus,” Riigi Teataja, no. 155–156 (16 December 1922): 749–56.
[6] Keskkooli õppekavad: gümnaasiumi humanitaar-, reaal- ja majapidamisharu (Hariduse- ja sotsiaalministeerium: 1930).
[7] “Avalikkude algkoolide seaduse muutmise dekreet,” Riigi Teataja, no. 45 (6 January 1934): 891; “Keskkoolide seaduse muutmise seadus,” Riigi Teataja, no. 42 (25 May 1937): 853–54; Algkooli, keskkooli, gümnaasiumi õppekavad (Haridusministeerium: 1938).
[8] Peeter Treiberg, “Mõned mõtted esimese üleriikliku ajalooõpetajate kongressi puhul,” Ajalooline Ajakiri, no. 1 (1924): 29–33.
[9] “Ajalooõpetajate I. üleriiklik kongress,” Kasvatus 1 (1924), 1–6; Treiberg, “Mõned mõtted,” 30-33.
[10] “Ajalugu õpetatagu rahvuslikult,” Kaja, April 21, 1927; A[ugust] Möller, “2. ajaloo õpetajate congress,” Kasvatus, no. 10 (1927): 466-68.
[11] “Ajalooõpetajate III congress,” Kasvatus no. 1 (1932): 32; “IV üleriigiline ajaloo-õpetajate congress,” Kasvatus no. 1 (1936): 36–39.
[12] Algkooli õppe- ja tunnikawad, 14, 43–51; Keskkooli õppekavad: gümnaasiumi humanitaar-, reaal- ja majapidamisharu, 15, 34.
[13] Ilzė Šenberga, “Teaching of History in Latvian Schools of General Education in the 1920s and 1930s: Organisation, Content and Methods,” Summary of the doctoral dissertation (Vilnius, 2010): 23; Aija Abens, “Effects of Authoritarianism on the Teaching of National History: The Case of Latvia,” Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education 51, no. 1–2 (2015): 166–80; Gaston Lacombe, “Nationalism and Education in Latvia, 1918-1940,” Journal of Baltic Studies 28, no. 4 (1997): 309–38.
[14] Ilze Šenberga, “The Question of the Content of School History Course in the Publications of Historians-Methodologists in the 1920s and 1930s,” History: A Collection of Lithuanian Universities’ Research Papers 104, no. 4 (2016): 100–108, https://doi.org/10.15823/istorija.2016.10.
[15] Ene-Margit Tiit, Eesti rahvastik. Viis põlvkonda ja kümme loendust (Statistikaamet, 2011): 35; “Ethnicities in Latvia. Statistics,” accessed November 28, 2024, at http://www.roots-saknes.lv/Ethnicities/ethnicities_statistics.htm.
[16] Algkooli õppekavad (Haridusministeerium, 1937): 3–4, 38–42.
[17] Johannes Aavik et al., eds., Rahvusliku Kasvatuse Kongress: Tartus, 2. ja 3. jaanuaril 1927. a.: Referaatide juhtmõtted ja resolutsioonid (Tartu, 1926); Aadu Lüüs et al., eds., Eesti Rahva Tulevik: II Rahvusliku Kasvatuse Kongressi kõned ja läbirääkimised (Tulevik, 1935).
[18] See: “Meie rahvaelu põhiküsimused,” Postimees, January 3, 1927; “Rahvusliku kasvatuse kongressi lõpp ja resolutsioonid,” Postimees, January 5, 1927.
[19] “II rahvusliku kasvatuse kongressi teesid, aruanne, kirjavahetus III rahvusliku kasvatuse kongressi organiseerimise küsimustes,” National Archives of |Estonia (RA), ERA.4855.1.3.
[20] See: K. Teder, “Vanapoisid „riigivaenlastena,” Päevaleht, January 4, 1935; “Eesti rahvaarv peab tõusma,” Postimees, January, 2 1935.
[21] See: Hannu Syväoja, “Isänmaallisuuskasvatus Suomen kansakoulussa,” Koulu ja menneisyys 45 (2007): 123–34.
[22] Lüüs et al., Eesti rahva tulevik, 50, 73–74.
[23] Lüüs et al., Eesti rahva tulevik, 10, 46, 106–7.
[24] Aavik et al., Rahvusliku kasvatuse kongress, 3–12; Algkooli õppekavad (1928), 1, 4; Keskkooli õppekavad: gümnaasiumi humanitaar-, reaal- ja majapidamisharu, 15, 154–55.
[25] The Ministry of Education circular from November 29, 1934 on patriotic education: “Haridus- ja Sotsiaalministeeriumi 1934 a. 29. novembri ringkiri Nr. 32133 maa- ning linnakooli valitsustele, vähemusrahvuste kultuurvalitsustele ja koolide juhatajaile ning õppenõukogudele isamaalise kasvatuse asjas,” Hariduse ja Sotsiaalministeeriumi Teataja, no. 17 (12 November 1934): 215; Algkooli õppekavad (1937), 3–4.
[26] Lüüs et al., Eesti rahva tulevik, 138; Ken Kalling, “Eestlase kvaliteet sõjaeelses vabariigis,” Vikerkaar, no. 9 (2020): 89, https://www.vikerkaar.ee/archives/26585; “Emade- ja lastekaitse seaduse eelnõu,” RA, ERA.31.3.2874; “Steriliseerimise seadus, RA, ERA.31.3.2875; “Lastekaitsefondi seaduse eelnõu,”, RA, ERA.31.3.2894.
[27] Lüüs et al., Eesti rahva tulevik, 109-112, 120, 136-137.